Guest: Atty. Emil Marañon, Election Lawyer

Guest: Greg Poling, Director, Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative

Prof. Julio Teehankee, Author, 'Patronage Democracy in the Philippines'

Guest: Dr. Anna Ong Lim, Pediatric Infectious Diseases Specialist

Guest: Raymond Basilio, Secretary General, Alliance Of Concerned Teachers

Guest: Leopoldo Vega PH Health Undersecretary

One on one with former DOH Secretary Esperanza Cabral

Guests: Atty. Michael Yusingco, Senior Research Fellow, Ateneo Policy Center Atty. Tony La Viña, Former Dean, Ateneo School Of Government

Guest: Prof. Aries Arugay, U.P. Department of Political Science

Guest: Dr. Rontgene Solante, Infectious Diseases Specialist

Guest: PH Olympic Committee President Abraham 'Bambol' Tolentino

Guest: Fr. Nicanor Austriaco, OCTA Research Fellow

Guest: Atty. Tony La Vina

Guest: Former Labor Undersecretary Susan Ople

Guest: Celine Isabelle Samson, Head, Online Verification Team, Vera Files

Guest:  Jaybee Garganera, National Coordinator, Alyansa Tigil Mina

Guests: Manny Mogato, Veteran Journalist Prof. Felipe Salvosa II, Head, UST Journalism Program

Guest: Zia Alonto Adiong, Deputy Speaker, Bangsamoro Transition Authority Parliament

Guest:  Jose Ramon Albert, Senior Research Fellow, PH Institute For Dev't Studies

Guest: Mahar Lagmay, Executive Director, U.P. Resiliency Institute and NOAH Center

Guests: Prof. Francisco Magno, De La Salle University Prof. Jean Franco, University of the Philippines Rodne Galicha, Lead Convenor, Aksyon Klima Pilipinas

Guests: Raissa Robles, Multi-Awarded Journalist Barnaby Lo, President, Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines Atty. Domingo Cayosa, Former President, Integrated Bar of the Philippines

Guest: Gerardo Eusebio, Veteran Election Campaigner

Guest:  Dr. Rontgene Solante, Member, PH Vaccine Experts Panel

Guest: Ronald Holmes, Pulse Asia President

Guest: Mamerto Tangonan, Deputy Governor, PH Central Bank

Guests: Prof. Michael Charleston Chua, Historian Prof. Ricardo Jose, Historian

EP 145: Can Dutertes keep Davao City mayoralty? 

Guests: Sen. Aquilino 'Koko' Pimentel III Atty. Howard Calleja, Counsel of petitioners vs the Anti-Terrorism Law Atty. Perry Solis, Chief of Staff, PTFOMS

Guest: Atty. Ray Paolo Santiago, Counsel of petitioners vs Marcos Presidential bid

Guests: Ruffy Biazon, Co-Author of House Bill Requiring Sim Card Registration Pierre Tito Galla, Co-Founder, democracy.net.ph

Guests: Raymund Villanueva, Former Deputy Secretary General, NUJP Vergel Santos, Center For Media Freedom and Responsibility

Guest: Edgar Erice, Caloocan Mayoral Aspirant

Astravel Naik, PDP-Laban Membership Committee Head, Cusi Wing

Guest: Prof. Cheryll Soriano, De La Salle University's Dept. of Communication

Guests: Cleve Arguelles, Political Scientist, The Australian National University Prof. Aries Arugay, U.P. Department Of Political Science

Guest: Maria Victoria 'Mags' Maglana, Davao City Congressional Aspirant

Guest: Prof. Jay Batongbacal, Director, U.P. Institute For Maritime Affairs and Law of the Sea

Guests: Atty. Michael Yusingco, Senior Research Fellow, Ateneo Policy Center Prof. Francisco Magno, De La Salle University

Guests: Prof. Danilo Arao, Journalism Department, U.P. Diliman Vergel Santos, Board Of Trustee, Center For Media Freedom And Responsibility 

Guest: Atty. Raul Pangalangan, Former Judge, Int'l Criminal Court

Guest: Prof. Ronald Holmes, Pulse Asia President

Guest: Atty. Dino De Leon, Spokesperson of Sen. De Lima

Guest: Atty. George Briones, General Counsel, Partido Federal ng Pilipinas

Guest: Atty. Lutgardo Barbo, PDP-Laban Vice Chairman, Pacquiao-wing 

Guests: Etta Rosales, 1Sambayan Convenor Atty. Neri Colmenares, Senatorial Aspirant

EP 125: Duterte Daughter Eyeing Palace Run?

Guests: Lito Banayo, Isko Moreno's Campaign Strategist Atty. Howard Calleja, Convenor, 1Sambayan

Guests: Walden Bello, Vice Presidential Aspirant Francisco Ashley Acedillo, Spokesman of Lacson-Sotto Campaign 

Guest: Sen. Sherwin Gatchalian, Chairman, Senate Committee On Energy 

Guest: Prof. Jay Batongbacal, Director, U.P. Institute For Maritime Affairs And Law Of The Sea 

Guest: Ruben Carranza, Former PCGG Commissioner

Guest: Antonio Carpio, Ret. Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice 

Prof. Danilo Arao, Journalism Department, U.P. Diliman Marchel Espina, National Auditor, National Union Of Journalists Of The Philippines Vergel Santos, Board Of Trustee, Center For Media Freedom And Responsibility

Guest: Atty. Antonio 'Tony' La Viña, Former Dean, Ateneo School Of Government

Guests: Sergio Osmeña III, Former Senator & Veteran Campaign Strategist Alan German, Campaign Strategist

Guests: James Jimenez, Spokesperson, PH Elections Commission Emil Marañon, Election Lawyer

Guests: Prof. Edna Co, Former Dean, U.P. Nat’l College Of Public Administration And Governance Prof. Aries Arugay, U.P. Department Of Political Science

Guest: Usec. Jonas Leones, PH Environment Department

Guest: Atty. Neri Colmenares, Senatorial Aspirant

Guests: Prof. Julio Teehankee, Author, Clientelism And Party Politics In The Philippines 

Guest: Lito Atienza, Vice Presidential Aspirant 

Guests: Leody De Guzman, Presidential Aspirant Walden Bello, Vice Presidential Aspirant

Guests: Comm. Leah Armamento, PH Human Rights Commission Carlos Conde, Senior Researcher, Human Rights Watch 

EP 107: Regulating Campaign Spending in the 2022 Elections 

Did Trillanes Block Colmenares In Robredo Senatorial Ticket?

Why Neri Colmenares was excluded from Robredo senatorial ticket 

Why COMELEC is allowing candidate substitution 

Liberal Party rebuilding behind Robredo presidential bid

After the Fact

Last week, Vice President Leni Robredo made it official — after careful thought and consultation with other members of the opposition, she’s running for president in 2022. In a week full of suprises, her choice of vice presidential candidate was also quite unnexpected.  Senator Francis Pangilinan, president of the Liberal Party, was widely expected to seek reelection. but for some reason, he was picked as Robredo’s runningmate. We’ll look more closely into his candidacy and the tough road ahead for the opposition in the 2022 elections.

The last day of the filing of Certificates of Candidacy brought a few surprises.  Senator Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa running for president at the last minute representing a faction of the ruling PDP-Laban Party. Dela Rosa, of course, was not the administration candidate many had been expecting. But the president’s daughter made it clear again that she’s seeking reelection as Davao City mayor.  Nut with substitution still allowed by November 15, Dela Rosa is widely expected as a seat warmer until perhaps, Sara Duterte is finally convinced to take his place.  In this case, should we take Dela Rosa’S candidacy seriously?

Vice President Leni Robredo is running for president in 2022 ending months of hopeful anticipation among supporters who believe the Philippines can no longer endure and does not deserve six more years of a Duterte-like governance. The other goal, of course, is to defeat the son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos who is also gunning for the presidency.   In a speech before she filed her certificate of candidacy, Robredo made clear her will is strong to take up the challenge. She also asked supporters to go out of their comfort zones, reach out, take a stand and take action. Now comes the important part — how does she win? How does she overcome perceived advantages of other candidates in terms of support base political machinery and of course, money?  

Earlier today, a former senator caused quite a stir for seeking to represent midwives in next year’s party-list elections. Online, people were quick to criticize to ridicule lawyer Jose Lina, who’s also a former Laguna Province Governor and Interior Secretary. “Komadrona ba sya? Nakapagpa-anak na ba sya?” Lina happens to be the principal author of Philippine Midwifery Act of 1992. But it didn’t placate those who felt that the party-list system was being abused. Of course, we’ve seen really bad examples in the past — wealthy politicians claiming to represent the marginalized all to secure a seat in Congress. The rich seeking to represent tricycle drivers, for instance, or security guards and farmers. Worse, which we saw in recent election cycles, political clans and dynasties expanding their rule by seizing additional seats in congress through the party-list background. In this episode, we go deep into the problems besetting our party-list system, why it has been so prone to abuse and whether as many have suggested it’s perhaps time, to just abolish it.

Earlier today, the son of the former Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos announced that he’s running for president in 2022. The recorded video announcement was short Marcos Junior promising to bring back a “unifying leadership” to this country which his father ruled with an iron fist for most of his 20-year regime and based on official records and court decisions a nation plundered by the family and its cronies worth billions of dollars. So, why should Filipinos today vote for Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.? And what would explain his strong showing in surveys, which, if true, would raise the prospect of another Marcos in Malacañang 36 years after Filipinos booted them out?

Over the weekend, the Philippine Department of Justice announced that more than 150 police officers could be held criminally liable over abuses in the government’s drug war. But these officers tagged in a total of 52 cases will still be investigated presumably by the National Bureau of Investigation.  When the investigation would be completed and whether charges would be filed — and whether cases  would lead to convictions — all still remain to be seen. In this episode we talk about these pending investigations — more than five years since President Duterte unleashed his brutal crack down.

In 2019, the bitter rivalry between the sons of former President Joseph Estrada provided a colorful side story to the midterm elections that year. Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito both ran for the senate despite warnings that doing so would be disastrous for both of them. True enough, both of them lost failing in their bid to return to the upper chamber.  Worse, that election also saw the end of the Estrada dynasty in san juan and the family’s control of the Philippine Capital City of Manila. By his own admission, Ejercito said the family only had themselves to blame. But he and Jinggoy are again running for senator in 2022 unable to resolve their differences and with the possibility that it will be 2019 all over again for them. 

On the eve of the filing of the certificates of candidacy, a of opposition groups known as 1Sambayan has endorsed vice president leni robredo as its presidential candidate in 2022. The goal, of course, is to beat President Duterte’s candidate and the son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.  But while Robredo thanked 1Sambayan for picking her, she made it clear that deciding to run for president shouldn’t be based on one’s ambition or the prodding of others.  Instead, she asked her supporters to join her in prayer in the next few days that whatever her decision would be would be the best for the country. In the latest Pulse Asia survey, Robredo was tied for third place behind frontrunner Sara Duterte and Bongbong Marcos, Isko Moreno, and Manny Pacquiao who were tied at second place. 

Senators investigating the government’s multi-billion-peso supply deals with Pharmally have been heavily criticized by President Duterte.  Recently, he likened the Blue Ribbon Committee’s treatment of an evasive Pharmally official to Martial Law on top,  of course, of previous insults he unleased against certain senators.  But from the other side of the bicameral chamber, senators are also getting some heavy criticism from their congressional colleagues.  The hearings, according to one congressman, were in “aid of election” not of legislation. In this episode, we look into how the house committee on good government has been conducting its own inquiry and whether its own investigation is actually meant to protect Pharmally and the president at the expense of public accountability.

Last week, Senator Manny Pacquiao sat down with leaders of the 1Sambayan coalition to discuss efforts to unify the opposition against President Duterte’s candidate in 2022. Pacquiao had already declared his candidacy for president and it’s the coalition that is yet to name its standard-bearer. Many of its members are waiting for Vice President Leni Robredo to run for president. But she herself is open to giving way to another aspirant with a better chance of defeating Duterte’s candidate or prevent another Marcos from returning to Malacañang.  In this episode we go deep into these unification talks between Senator Pacquiao and 1Sambayan. Does it remain likely or is it too late for that?

The party founded by the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos has named his son and namesake as its standard-bearer in next year’s presidential election. In a recorded message, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. thanked his supporters. but he was vague as to whether he was accepting the nomination. Deciding to run for president, he said, was something he couldn’t “rush.” Back in 2016, Bongbong Marcos ran and lost in the vice presidential election. but to many observers, it’s not a question of if — but when — the son of the former dictator is going to seek the presidency to complete his family’s return to power after their disgraceful fall 35 years ago.

Earlier this week, Manila Mayor Isko Moreno declared that he’s also running for president.  This means that as of today, there are three contenders: Moreno, Senator Panfilo Lacson, and Senator Manny Pacquiao. These same names were also being considered in efforts to unify the opposition against President Duterte’S candidate in 2022.  Does this now mean that unity talks are over? And where does this now leave Vice President Leni Robredo who up to this point is yet to decide whether to run as the opposition’s presidential candidate next year?

After the Fact: Earlier today, Manila Mayor Isko Moreno officially announced he’s running for president of the Philippines next year. A trash collector growing up, Moreno has a compelling rags-to-riches backstory and a powerful campaign message of hope. If he, a poor boy who rose to become the mayor of the Philippine capital city, and now, vying for the country’s highest elective post, could do it — nothing’s impossible for the millions of poor Filipinos, suffering especially during the pandemic. But while Moreno, a veteran politician even at only 46 years old, may tick all the right boxes for a presidential candidate — he has the looks, the message, and the track record — the Philippine political terrain remains complicated, and not exactly reassuring. In this episode we talk about the strengths and weaknesses of Moreno’s candidacy and how the presidential campaign is shaping up.

Today, most Filipinos mark 49 years since the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos placed the Philippines under Martial Law, one of the darkest episodes in our country’s history, when thousands were killed and billions of dollars in public money were stolen by Marcos and their cronies.  But in remembering and making sure that we’ll all learn important lessons from the past, accuracy is required and is most important.  In this episode we talk about this fiction long propagated by Marcos that Martial Law was declared on September 21st when in fact he proclaimed it two days later.  And just as important — the present generation’s continuing struggle against persistent efforts to distort the truth about Martial Law and deodorize the image of the Marcoses.   Guests:  Manuel 'Manolo' Quezon III, Historian  Atty. Neri Colmenares, Human Rights Lawyer

Guests Former Sen. Antonio Trillanes  Etta Rosales, 1Sambayan convenor

President Duterte and his allies have made it clear — his administration will not cooperate in the formal investigation into the thousands of killings under his watch. His spokesman even predicted that the case would just “sleep” without cooperation from the Philippine government.  But can this really derail the process at the International Criminal Court? Or will it only spell more bad news for president duterte… and those who helped implement his brutal drug war?

Judges at the International Criminal Court have approved a formal investigation into President Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war, a bloody campaign that has killed thousands of people. The investigation will also cover similar killings in Judges at the International Criminal Courtfrom November 2011 until Duterte was elected president in 2016.  Duterte’s spokesman played down this important development at the ICC insisting it won’t move since his administration would not cooperate. But can a government’s refusal to cooperate in fact stall an ICC investigation? Or will it only bring more harm than good for the likes of Duterte?

President Duterte has spoken - he basically doesn’t like what’s happening in the Senate Blue Ribbon Investigation into allegedly overpriced medical equipment purchased from a company linked to his former economic adviser. But Senators are investigating anyway apparently unfazed even big threats coming from the president. Given now the inquiry has unfolded, does Duterte have anything to be afraid of? Are senators getting closer to his possible involvement in the 8.7-billion-peso deal now in question? Guest: Sen. Risa Hontiveros

It began with a Commission on Audit report. The senators unearthed a whopping 8.7-billion-peso supply contract bagged by a company with no track record but with links to some close to President Duterte. In response, the president attacked the Blue Ribbon Committee investigation insulted senators and more recently made it clear — no cabinet official may appear in the hearings without his permission. So the question is — Does the president have a point or is he simply afraid of what the Senate which he once so firmly controlled has discovered and might discover even more?

The Senate investigation into allegedly overpriced face shields the Duterte administration has bought from a questionable company has triggered quite an interesting response from the president. Instead of cooperating or at least keeping his hands off Duterte went after the senator leading the investigation.  It so happens that Senator Richard Gordon his ally not long ago also heads the Philippine Red Cross.  So Duterte now wants to audit the Red Cross. And if the Commission on Audit refused he warned of a “long legal battle.” In this episode, we talk about the implications of the president’s threats against an independent humanitarian organization which has been providing invaluable support to the government and the public at large during the pandemic all because apparently, people identified with him are now the subject of an important Senate investigation.

Secretary Harry Roque, President Duterte’s spokesman berated medical frontliners in a recent meeting by the government’s Inter Agency task force. Roque blew his top when doctors appealed to the government to revert Metro Manila to strict lockdown instead of relaxing restrictions. This was the time when COVID-19 cases were soaring driven by the Delta variant. Roque has since apologized for the flare-up. But he’s standing up with what he said. We speak with those at the receiving end of the secretary’s outburst. Was it even called for? Was it even fair? But more importantly, is the government doing well or doing enough to take us out of this worsening pandemic?

Earlier today, President Duterte’s daughter Sara — a frontrunner in major pre-election surveys for president — announced that she would no longer run for any national position next year. Her statement in response to her father’s decision to run for vice president. according to her, they had both agreed that only one of them would seek a national post in 2022. But despite the categorical statements from the two Dutertes, many are still not convinced that these decisions are set in stone — at least, not Sara Duterte decision to forgo a presidential run. Remember that Mister Duterte himself was known to say something and do the exact opposition before he joined the 2016 presidential election by substitution. Remember that in 2015, Mister Duterte also made a “final and categorical” statement that he would no longer run for president. In the meantime, the ruling PDP-Laban party also nominated the president’s aide, Senator Christopher Go as its standard bearer. But Go later said he was not interested. In this episode, we talk about the emerging scenarios and realignment of forces in the upcoming election campaign. Guests: Prof. Aries Arugay U.P. Department of Political Science Prof. Antonio Contreras DLSU Political Science Department

A viral post by a business owner pretty much sums up the frustration of many over the Duterte administration’s handling of the latest Delta variant surge.  Inchang Mendoza related how her restaurant staff was all set for reopening. In fact, they had conducted a general clean-up and bought kilos of meat. But at the last minute, Malacanang announced that Metro Manila won’t shift to a general community quarantine.  So what happened? President Duterte spent two hours in a recorded public address.  But never did he explain why his administration walked back on a decision, which was announced days ago.  Dr. Esperanza Cabral Former PH Health Secretary Dr. Maricar Limpin  President, Philippine College of Physicians Dr. Nemuel Fajutagana Chairperson, Medical Action Group

As COVID-19 cases continue to rise here in the Philippines, congressmen have opted to investigate a research group which has been analyzing data mainly from the Department of Health since the pandemic began last year. At Monday’s hearing, congressmen raised questions over the OCTA Research Group’s findings where it’s getting its funding and whether it’s indeed independent. But on the other side of the debate, supporters believe these criticisms are meant to put the blame on octa for whatever shortcomings there have been in the government’s pandemic response. Or to put it simply — is OCTA under fire for telling the inconvenient truth?

The Philippines reached another grim milestone — 22,415 new COVID-19 cases — the country’s highest single-day tally since the pandemic began last year.  As reported, hospitals are also overwhelmed, especially in Metro Manila, despite what the official bed occupancy rates tell us.  But in the meantime, the Philippines, starting today, has lifted its travel ban on ten countries where the Delta variant is also prevalent. By Wednesday, September 8, Metro Manila will also shift to a General Community Quarantine and will experiment on “granular lockdowns.” This means only streets, villages, or buildings will be locked down not entire regions or provinces. In this episode, we talk about the wisdom, the logic of these policy adjustments when cases continue to increase and are projected to rise even further.

President Duterte is facing some serious allegation this late in his administration. It began with a Commission on Audit report that found deficiencies in how the Health department spent — or failed to spend — billions of pesos in COVID-19 funds. Part of these was a huge contract amounting to 8.7 billion pesos bagged by a company with limited capitalization and whose incorporators are now nowhere to be found.  But here’s the sad part.  Medical supplies such as face masks and face shields were allegedly overpriced several times over. In response, Duterte’s spokesman Harry Roque claimed personal protective equipment bought under the previous Aquino administration were also overpriced. Christian Esguerra sits down with Atty. Abigail Valte, Aquino's former deputy presidential spokesperson.

A single company with small capitalization bagging an 8.7-billion-peso contract from the government to supply pandemic-related medical supplies naturally raised questions.  And when it turned out the price of the purchase was padded several times over, it was but natural for senators to dig deeper. One of them found that executives of this company in question were facing allegations of financial crimes in Taiwan. Some of them allegedly have close ties with President Duterte, who, by the way, slammed the ongoing Senate inquiry and even insulted a couple of senators. This episode takes a look at what the investigation has unraveled so far and how far it can go given this pressure from the president.

Early on, President Rodrigo Duterte promised never to tolerate even a “whiff” of corruption in his administration. not that senators needed to be reminded of their role under the country’s system of checks and balances. But lately, their investigation has centered on the Commission on Audit's findings on “deficiencies” in an enormous amount of money intended for the government’s pandemic response. Part of this was some P8.7 billion worth of government contract bagged by company with alleged ties with one of the president’s men.  Worse, the purchase of face masks and other COVID-related equipment was allegedly overpriced. Snd so the Senate is investigating as part of its oversight function and in aid of legislation. But in response, Duterte castigated senators and made personal attacks on Senators Richard Gordon and Panfilo Lacson. For a change, some senators are now fighting back and reminding Duterte of their mandate under the law.  In this episode, we try make sense of this conflict between Duterte and a Senate he once controlled with relative ease.  Christian Esguerra sits down with Former Senator Serge Osmeña who served at the Senate for 18 years and used to head the Senate Committee on Banks, Financial Institutions and Currencies and the Senate Committee on Energy.

The confirmation was grim but perhaps, not unexpected — according to the World Health Organization, the Delta variant is now the most dominant strain here in the Philippines.  But the important question is — what are we doing about it? are we doing enough to contain it?  Just days ago, the Philippines recorded its highest single-day tally of new COVID-19 cases — a total of 22,366 cases. In this episode, we break down the numbers with members of the OCTA Research Group, an independent group of scientists and data analysts monitoring the government’s pandemic research. 

Senators began investigating “deficiencies” found by the Commission on Audit in some P67 billion in funds the Department of Health spent and didn’t spend for its pandemic response.  In the process, they discovered how a new company with a missing address cornered a 9-billion-peso-government contract for the purchase of face masks and face shields last year.  Worse, the items were said to have been grossly overpriced at a time when millions of Filipinos are crying out for aid as rising COVID-19 cases triggered new and potentially longer lockdowns. In this episode, we try to connect the dots as to how this company in question bagged the contract and who should he held accountable especially on the side of the government.

A group of Filipino nurses has begun a 10-day countdown to pressure the Department of Health to complete the release of several benefits intended for health workers battling the COVID-19 pandemic at the frontlines. For many of our overworked and underpaid nurses, the fact that the group had to resort to this speaks volumes about the kind of treatment they’re getting from the government despite their crucial role in this health crisis.  Imagine, for instance, a nurse working long hours and earning some ten thousand pesos monthly.  Paying her additional allowance — as mandated by law — will help… though we can all perhaps agree that she deserves much more. The point is this — there’s a budget allocated for their benefits during the pandemic. But why are they getting them? Is it a problem with red tape, negligence, or worse, government corruption?

President Duterte has announced that he would indeed run for vice president next year. But he also clarified that this would depend on his daughter Sara’s plans in the 2022 elections. If she ran for president, duterte said he would back out and so would his assistant and Senator Christopher Go for president. At least, based on her response, Sara Duterte didn’t like what’s happening. In fact, she said her father had confirmed to her that he would indeed run with Go as his presidential candidate.  She said Duterte and Go should admit this in public.  In that same meeting, Sara said her father gave her two options — support the Go-Duterte tandem or accept Go as her vice presidential candidate. What exactly is happening, not just within the ruling PDP-Laban party, but also within the first family? Are we seeing a real rift ahead of the 2022 elections or is this more of a show?

President Duterte has announced that he will indeed run for vice president, a decision his PDP-Laban party described as a “sacrifice.”  But here’s the catch. The president said something else, which was removed when Malacañang aired his taped address on Tuesday night. Out of “delicadeza,” Duterte claimed he won’t run if his daughter Sara would also seek the presidency.  This means his long-time aide and now Senator Bong Go will not gun for the presidency as well. Now here’s where it becomes even more interesting. Mayor Sara Duterte later issued a statement telling her father to stop using her supposed candidacy as a reason for him to run or not to run. But first, let’s get this straight — can an outgoing president run for vice president in the next election? What does the constitution say? Christian Esguerra sits down with Atty. Christian Monsod, a member of the 1986 Constitutional Commission, which crafted the 1987 Constitution. 

New COVID-19 cases are still something to worry about especially since Metro Manila has just completed two weeks of hard lockdown. In this episode, we talk about how the numbers will probably look in the coming days and weeks and how local governments are struggling with the new and highly infectious Delta variant.

As journalists are only good as their last byline, boxers, too, are often gauged based on their last fight.  In his more recent bout, Manny Pacquiao suffered a unanimous decision loss to a relatively unknown but an Olympic bronze medalist from Cuba. It was indeed an upset.  But to define Pacquiao’s legacy based on the outcome would be irresponsible foolish even.  Boxing’s only 8-division titlist, a champion in four different decades, Pacquiao has faced—and conquered—some of the biggest and fiercest names in the sport.  So the lost to Yordenis Ugas definitely won’t tarnish Pacquiao’s legacy in the ring.  But, at the same time, it raised the question — is it time for the Filipino to hang them up — a possibility Pacquiao himself mentioned after the fight.  In this episode, we’ll break down what perhaps was his final bout and what’s next for Manny Pacquiao, who also happens to be a senator and likely presidential candidate next year.

State auditors have come out with an annual report flagging the Department of Health over deficiencies worth P67.3 billion in COVID-19 funds.  They didn’t say — at least, yet — that the money was stolen.  But a tearful health Secretary Francisco Duque III slammed the Commission on Audit for allegedly “destroying” officials of his agency who, according to him, had lost sleep over it.  Days before that, President Duterte had also gone after the COA saying it should stop releasing its audit findings.  For the president, the COA was triggering “corruption by perception.” In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Atty. Grace Pulido Tan, former Chairwoman of the Commission on Audit.  She headed COA from 2011 to 2015 during which she led the scrutiny of how lawmakers had misused their pork barell allocations.  The tedious and brave effort behind the COA special audit led to the filing of criminal cases against three senators.

Health Secretary Francisco Duque III appeared at a House hearing earlier this week pouring his heart out over a Commission on Audit Report.  The COA flagged “deficiencies” in some 67 billion pesos in funds allotted to the DOH for its COVID-19 response critical items such as the purchase of face masks and allowances for medical frontliners.  But Duque questioned why the COA made the findings public even if the report was clearly part of its mandate.  In his words, the COA findings destroyed the DOH though the Filipino term he used was far more colorful.  Tonight, we’ll go deep into the COA findings and why the DOH needs to answer the issues squarely.

The scene was reminiscent of one the world witnessed 46 years ago in Saigon. But this time, the military plane flying from the roof of the US Embassy a few days ago was evacuating citizens from Kabul.  Despite US President Joe Biden’s confident assurance the Taliban won’t overrun the US-backed government in Afghanistan they did just that.  And so, the nation’s capital fell swiftly and after 20 years, the Taliban— known their ruthlessness during their reign in the 1990s—are back in power. The Taliban of today have appeared to be more conciliator saying they didn’t want to make “any internal or external enemies.” They also promised that women would be allowed to work and go to school. They would be “very active in society but within the framework of Islam.” A lot of these promises, of course, remain to be seen.  What’s certain is that Afghanistan is in such a mess and the return of the Taliban will be implications on freedom and human rights within the country — a problem that’s all too real here in the Philippines.

The Commission on Audit recently released audit reports on problems and deficiencies it found in how agencies of government were spending public funds. The Department of Health, for instance, was flagged over some P67.3 billion in COVID-19 funds. The COA also questioned the department’s plan to purchase two “high-end” computers worth P700,000. There were many other findings and agencies were asked to explain.  But in response, President Duterte slammed coa and asked the commission not to publish its reports because they taint agencies with “corruption by perception.” This episode is about the implications of Duterte’s latest outburst on efforts to demand transparency, accountability, and honesty from public officials who are, after all, only expected to take care our hard-earned money and spend it wisely.

The two-week hard lockdown in Metro Manila is set to end this Friday. But by the looks of it, the government will need to make another tough decision ahead of that — will it extend the lockdown or lift it despite the rising number of COVID-19 cases driven by the more infectious delta variant?  Worse, the Lambda variant has also been detected — officially — in the Philippines a case of a local transmission.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Maristela Abenojar, President, Filipino Nurses United and Fr. Nicanor Austriaco, OCTA Research Fellow to assess whether the Enhanced Community Quarantine is working and to check on the plight of our health workers who have been working round-the-clock since the start of the pandemic but have not been receiving enough benefits for their service.

A geospatial and data analytics company in the United States has come out with yet another alarming report on the damage wrought in occupied reefs in the West Philippine Sea.  Simularity, pointed to damaging “excess nutrients” in these features compared to unoccupied reefs. The report came a month after the company had also sounded the alarm on chinese ships allegedly dumping wastes in the West Philippine Sea.  Liz Derr, co-founder and CEO of Simularity  and Dr. Charissa Ferrera, Assistant Professor at U.P. Marine Science Institute joined Christian Esguerra to talk more about these latest findings.

It’s been nearly a week since Metro Manila went on lockdown once again this time to contain the delta variant of COVID-19.  Locking down people, of course, means limiting their movement and shutting down businesses leaving only those involved in essential services.  The national government has promised cash aid — a maximum of 4,000 for every family. But we know this won’t be enough to last them for two weeks.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Navotas Mayor Toby Tiangco and San Juan Mayor Francis Zamora  about how local governments are coping with this latest Enhanced Community Quarantine.

President Duterte has been on the offensive on certain politicians — first it was Senator Manny Pacquiao, and more recently, Manila Mayor Isko Moreno. One common denominator, of course, is this — both Pacquiao and Moreno are — or perhaps, “were” — allies of this administration perhaps, even considered as “enablers” of Duterte. The other commonality — both of them are seen as serious threats to Duterte’s president candidate or candidates in the 2022 elections. In the meantime, efforts are underway to unite the political opposition under a single presidential candidate.  But who will that be? How do you unite opposition forces and figures with separate plans and ambitions beyond 2022? Who, by the way, is the opposition?

Words matter especially in a pandemic where one statement by a public official can trigger panic. On the eve of the latest lockdown of the national capital region, hundreds turned up in the City of Manila causing chaos in vaccination sites. Many of them were interviewed saying they feared that unvaccinated people won’t be allowed to leave their homes or worse, won’t receive aid during the lockdown. In short, Duterte’s words — his threat — mattered to them. In his defense, Palace Spokesman Harry Roque said Duterte’s words could not have triggered the chaos in Manila because they had been said a good week prior.  Roque also described Duterte as the “best positive communicator in the country today.” In this episode, we examine Duterte as a communicator, his so-called authenticity and populism, especially in this pandemic.

Less than two months before candidates officially declare their intention to run in the 2022 elections, opposition forces are looking for a common candidate to go up against President Duterte’s candidate or even Duterte himself who is expected to run for vice president. Senator Panfilo Lacson recently came out with a formula — why don’t he and Vice President Robredo both file their certificates of candidacy in October? Then whoever gets the better survey numbers — meaning a better chance of defeating the administration candidate — proceeds while the other one withdraws.  Robredo later rejected the Lacson formula saying she didn’t want to lead her supporters on — if ever she decided to run, there’s no turning back. How then do you unify a fragmented opposition whose disunity can only make it easier for duterte forces to remain in power beyond 2022?

President Duterte’s political party is set to nominate his long-time assistant and now Senator Christopher Go for president in 2022. The PDP-Laban ticket will include Duterte himself as its vice presidential candidate. In response, Go — who, by the way, continues to apparently function as a Duterte aide these days — said he would run for president only if Duterte would be his vice president.  Why exactly is PDP-Laban fielding Go, a neophyte senator with questionable experience and competence especially for the highest elective post? How much this is driven by the need to protect Duterte who’s expected to face criminal cases once he steps down?

A group of Filipino experts crunching COVID-19 numbers since last year is now under fire for allegedly coming out with “alarmist” projections based on “incomplete and erroneous data.” In fact, a group of congressmen has filed a resolution seeking an investigation into the OCTA research group. The resolution also cited criticism of OCTA coming from Dr. Edsel Salvaña,member of health department’s technical advisory group. But Salvaña himself has been criticized online or consistently defending the government’s handling of the pandemic despite glaring missteps and inefficiencies. In the case of OCTA, the group is now being targeted not for its questionable stats and projections but for telling the ugly truth about the country’s COVID-19 numbers?

Metro Manila returns to yet another hard lockdown to contain the spread of the more infectious Delta variant of COVID-19. This means millions of workers will have to stay home and find ways to stay afloat for the next two weeks. In this episode, we talk about the economic costs of prolonged lockdowns as part of the Philippine government’s strategy against COVID-19.  What’s working — and more importantly, what isn’t — in this approach, which, so far, has failed to contain the pandemic and has left much to be desired. 

In a matter of months the 2022 national elections will be upon us. But even before that happens, there’s the campaign period. Before that, the filing of certificates of candidacy and before that - the ongoing voter registration. All these as the pandemic continues to rage. in fact, the covid crisis has forced the suspension of the registration process in areas that will be put under hard lockdown beginning August 6th.  Prompting some quarters to call for an extension and the Commission on Elections? They have yet to tackle this. But should they?

Vaccine arrivals - a shot in the arm for the country’s vaccination program which will be the main focus of the Philippines's capital when it goes back into the strictest lockdown in a matter of days.   But here's the thing as local chief executives prepare for this, a group of people, doctors included are coming out with warnings their claim is this: not enough studies have been done on these vaccines, and therefore, they’re dangerous.  How might this put the vaccination program in peril? Guests: Dr. Benigno Agbayani, President, Concerned Doctors and Citizens of the Philippines Dr Tony Leachon, Health Reform Advocate

Chest out. One motion. No second, no space for doubt. And then the win. Hidilyn Diaz, was the shot in the arm the country needed as the nation continues to find itself battered by the pandemic. For a moment there, it was as if no virus existed. and instead of hearing the sighs of frustration that have become a droning sound this past year in its place - the beautiful melody of the national anthem.  Reminding us we’re still here reminding Haidee, the very reason why she was there. But what happens now, after the fact?

When US gymnast Simone Biles withdrew from events in the Tokyo Olympics due to mental health concerns, there was a collective shock. How could this happen?  Althletes - they’re known to be made of tough stuff, right?  Their genetic make up, coupled with their skills and talents point to being one thing -  unbreakable. Add passion and grit and you’ve got yourself a winner. But can all these things that set them apart physically from the rest of us,  also alienate them from us and sometimes even from themselves? Guests: Dr. Karen Trinidad, Sports Psychologist  Noli Ayo, Athletics Director, Ateneo De Davao University

Guests: Prof. Ranjit Rye, Octa Research Fellow Dr. Guido David, Octa Research Fellow Mayor Toby Tiangco, Navotas City

The state of the nation is strong all thanks to Filipina Olympian Hidilyn Diaz. With every once of grit and determination, she lifted the whole country when she hoisted all of those 224 kilograms… in the Tokyo Olympics breaking Philippine and Olympic records. The 4-time Olympian  will be coming home to a hero’s welcome, she did after all, ended an almost century-old wait for that elusive gold medal. Behind the celebration though is a sector badly beaten and bruised - by politics and power play, inequitable distribution of funding and exposure and were going to talk about all that.

President Duterte delivered his Final State of the Nation Address - a mix of fulfilled promises and broken ones and the promise to do more in his last year in office. It was also a mix of explanations, justifications behind certain highly criticized policy decisions like why he dealt the way he did with China or why he caused the shut down of ABS-CBN.  One thing was clear though — he kept going back to his comfort zone, the issue of drug and criminality issues that ate up much of his nearly three-hour SONA. This final SONA was supposed to communicate Duterte’s  legacy. But what kind of message actually came across to millions of Filipinos reeling from the pandemic?

President Duterte's administration, his presidency, this period in our nation’s story will be discussed long after he’s gone.  Question is, what will history say about the Duterte regime?  If we let the country’s past be our compass how might he be judged?

Election season 2022 is slowly creeping in and you can almost hear the wheels of political machineries slowly coming into life. The battle for the vote though will be strongly dictated upon by the state of the political parties.  In a nutshell: the PDP Laban Party- which one are we talking about? The Hugpong Ng Pagbabago slowly gaining mass through alliances with Lakas CMD, Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino, and Nacionalista Party among others. The NPC, just announcing their Lacson-Sotto tandem along with familiar names in their senatorial slate and the Liberal Party which appears to be in limbo. So what should the voting public brace for? 

President Duterte’s political party is now finalizing its list of senatorial candidates in next year’s elections. The list a mix of his cabinet secretaries, incumbent lawmakers, an action star, TV hosts. Now, how much the administration’s selection process is driven by competence, the genuine desire to serve, the ability to win, or avowed loyalty to the president? On the other hand, how is the opposition’s own selection process going especially with Vice President Leni Robredo still reluctant to jump to a decision on whether to run for president?

A number of politicians have been clearly positioning themselves for a shot at the presidency in next year’s elections though many of them understandably are still playing coy or, in the case of Duterte in 2016 milk the “reluctant candidate” strategy dry. Speaking of Duterte, the president has announced that he’s now open to running for vice president if only to enjoy supposed immunity from suit. His daughter, Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte, is also eyeing the presidency raising the prospect of a daughter-father tandem elevating the political dynasty they long built in Davao City to the very top of this country's political structure. In the meantime, we’re still battling a raging pandemic with millions of jobs lost and millions of filipinos pushed back to poverty levels. This will clearly be a campaign issue —  it should be a campaign issue.  But how do you defeat Duterte’s candidate in 2022 or better yet, put an end to his brand of obnoxious, crass, and even “deadly” style of governance.  The political opposition is looking for a unified candidate and the logical choice of course, is Vice President Leni Robredo.  But will she take up the challenge and can she get this country back on track?

Over the weekend, the ruling PDP-Laban unseated two of its top officials — Senator Manny Pacquiao as party president and Senator “Koko” Aquilino Pimentel III as executive vice chairman.  Pacquiao’s faction did not recognize the election of new officials insisting that Energy Secretary Alfonso Cusi and two other PDP-Laban officials were still expelled. But as far as party dynamics were concerned, President Duterte’s presence in the part assembly last Saturday pretty much settled who was calling the shots.  For good measure, duterte insulted both Pacquiao and Pimentel, whose father, Nene founded the party. Pimentel’s group is understandably dismayed especially at the prospect of losing a party they all built from the ground up but only to be allegedly hijacked by selfish or even sinister political interests. But didn’t they see this coming?  Didn’t they help breed this ‘monster’ within the party that is now devouring them?

If you are a resident of Marawi City or at least used to be to say that you are frustrated would probably be an understatement.  Imagine — after four years, you still cannot return home what used to be your house still reduced to rubble. Of course, we understand that rebuilding an entire city after a five-month siege by Maute terrorists in 2017 won’t be easy.  As of May this year, the government says 60 percent of the planned rehabilitation has been completed. But more recently, residents have calling attention to alleged land-grabbing — an issue that has been complicating reconstruction efforts in the city.

Ahead of President Duterte’s last state of the nation address on July 26, many aspects of his governance have come under even closer scrutiny. A study by the Ateneo Policy Center recently focused on his administration’s legislative performance. in terms of bills passed by a congress he firmly dominates, the scorecard is “quantitatively impressive but qualitatively inadequate.” Meaning — like his predecessors, Duterte has prioritized “short-term and rewarding laws over meaningful long-term reforms.” These, of course, include political reforms such an an anti-political dynasty law or a freedom of information law, which remains stuck in the House of Representatives.  To be fair, the same Ateneo study showed that Duterte “scored well on economic and some social sector legislation.” Don’t forget, though, that this was the same lower house that denied ABS-CBN a new broadcast franchise last year taking away thousands of jobs in the middle of the pandemic.

How much does it cost to run an election campaign here in the Philippines? To be more specific, how much would you need if you want to run, say, for president or senator in next year’s elections? On record, there are limits set by law as to how much a candidate is allowed to spend per registered voter. But in reality, the expenses shoot up well beyond what is legal which means gunning for public office in this country is still a rich man’s game. For even there are less-moneyed candidates who get to win - they’re still few and far between - an exception to the rule compared with the big names from political clans and the ruling elite.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra sat down with Luie Tito Guia, Former COMELEC Commissioner and Co-Founder, Democratic Insights Group, Political Strategist Lito Banayo and Atty. Abigail Valte, COO, DDI strategic communications to better understand how election campaigns go especially during the pandemic where social media is expected to play an even bigger role for candidates.

As of July 11, around 3.5 million filipinos have been fully vaccinated for COVID-19. But don’t let the number deceive you — that’s only 4.5 percent of the target population of 77.7 million that need to be inoculated to achieve herd immunity. The Duterte administration official in charge of vaccination admitted it’s a “struggle” to meet the target by the end of the year.  So, how much longer do we have to wait? In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Peter Cayton, of the U.P. COVID-19 Pandemic Response Team, Fr. Nicanor Austriaco of the OCTA Research Group and Navotas Mayor Toby Tiangco about why the Philippines trudges toward herd immunity and whether we’re actually keeping the numbers stable or low as we await more vaccines to come in.

A big data analytics firm has come out with a list of politicians with the most influence on social media ahead of the 2022 elections.  Topping the list were Manila Mayor Isko Moreno and Senator Manny Pacquiao. both of them, of course, are said to be gunning for the presidency. But how big a factor really is social media — especially Facebook — in an election campaign? Can social media win elections? and with physical movement still limited by the raging COVID-19 pandemic are we now seeing a 2022 electoral battle that’ll be fought heavily — or perhaps, mainly — on social media? In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Robin Garcia, President & CEO of WR Numero research.

On July 10, 2020, moments after congressmen voted to reject ABS-CBN’s application for a new broadcast franchise, one congressman wanted to make the decision even clearer.  Yes, congressmen, led by then Speaker Alan Peter Cayetano, had indeed “killed” the franchise bill although the legislative euphemism was “laid on the table.” But even the pejorative preferred so condescendingly by certain congressmen was probably inadequate.  Because what took place that afternoon in the halls of congress in the middle of the pandemic was “murder” — a murder of a franchise premeditated to fulfill the desire of President Duterte using the superior force, first,  of the National Telecommunications Commission and later, the house committee on legislative franchises. It could be said that the odds were clearly stacked against ABS-CBN from the very start. Duterte had repeatedly made it clear in public statements — he would shut down ABS-CBN. Given the political realities in this country where the lower house is generally subservient to the sitting president, it was no surprise that he got his wish. The decision was clearly a blow to press freedom.  It was cruel as well especially to thousands of ABS-CBN workers who lost their jobs not because of the pandemic but because of their government.  In this episode, we look back on how Duterte killed ABS-CBN’S franchise and the continuing struggle by the press to be free under his regime.  Christian Esguerra is joined by veteran journalists John Nery and Inday Espina-Varona.

Almost five ago, the Philippines did what many perhaps thought was unthinkable — we scored a historic legal victory over mighty China. the significance of the ruling by the permanent court of arbitration cannot be overemphasized. Yes, it didn’t settle the territorial dispute between Manila and Beijing because that’s not within its jurisdiction. But it clarified the status of features in the disputed Spratlys including maritime entitlements under international law.  Now, it’s just a matter of abiding by the ruling which is something Beijing has conveniently ignored.  In the meantime, the man who took China to court  passed away recently leaving behind a legacy that showed how small countries like the Philippines could topple the mightly so long as the law is in their side. But the journey to this victory was not easy. it is said there were even factions within the Aquino administration that were “bitterly divided” over arbitration.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to Retired Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio about how the Philippines won its case against China and why it’s not a mere paper victory even if the current occupant in Malacañang has been very reluctant to enforce it. 

Vote buying - it’s wrong, it’s illegal, and we have strict laws against it.  But it's been staple in any election cycle in the Philippines.  And based on stories on the ground, and even from candidates themselves it’s only getting worse.  With the price of vote increasing, election campaigns also become even more expensive.  And how do you think winning candidates will eventually recoup such huge expenses? It’s a vicious cycle and we can’t really blame those who have gone cynical and accepted vote-buying as a fact of life in our country. But let’s add to the bad news.   Recently, the Philippine National Police sounded the alarm on vote-buying likely going digital in the 2022 elections. The Commission on Elections agreed.  It’s not exactly difficult to predict given the rise in online transactions and digital wallets. the possibilities are just many even for those who’d like their vote-buying activities more efficient and perhaps, even secure. So we can’t raise the white flag just because the problem seems enormous. In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Former Comelec Commissioner Luie Tito Guia, Election Lawyer Emil Marañon and Fintech Alliance PH Chairman Lito Villanueva to try to understand the nature of vote-buying in the Philippines and look for ways to address the problem especially in the digital space. 

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has been branded as a 'Press Freedom Predator' by international media watchdog Reporters Without Borders. Duterte joined 36 other world leaders who crack down massively on press freedom. The list includes Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un, and Hong Kong's Carrie Lam. Reporters Without Borders cited the Philippine Daily Inquirer, ABS-CBN and Rappler as Duterte's favorite targets. It also said, Duterte waged a total war against independent media through false charges of defamation or tax evasion, rescinding broadcast licenses, and using an army of trolls to subject journalists to online harrasment. Malacañang finds duterte's inclusion in the list 'bereft of merit'. But for four consecutive years the ranking of the {hilippines has been dropping in the World Press Freedom Index. The Palace has also downplayed this and insisted that duterte remains committed to protecting journalists' rights. In this episode, we answer the question: How important is the freedom of the press?  And has it really eroded in the Philippines, the so-called Asian bastion of democracy, during the time of Duterte? Christian Esguerra sits down with Daniel Bastard, Asia-Pacific Director at Reporters Without Borders, Journalism Professors Danilo Arao  and Felipe Salvosa.

Last week, a newspaper column by retired Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio recalled how two factions within the Aquino administration allegedly fought 'from the beginning to the end' on the arbitration case against China in 2013.  One faction wanted to proceed with the case and the other did not — at least, according to Carpio.  The two groups were likewise 'bitterly divided' over the issue Itu Aba, a largest natural feature in the Spratlys. Should it be among the issues the Philippines should ask the permanent court of arbitration in the Hague to resolve?  Was it a rock or an island — the answer to which would have wide-ranging implications in the disputed region. In the end, the issue was included in the Philippines’ memorial. the court later rule it’s a rock, not an island. Such issues should have been behind us now since the landmark ruling came five years ago.  Why then did Justice Carpio decide to bring up the bitter factions under Aquino? In response, frmer Solicitor General Florin Hilbay wrote a five-page, single-spaced response assailing Carpio’s alleged “falsehoods.” He said the Itu Aba issue was a 'roxy for the debate then n whether to enter into joint development with China. In this episode, Christian Esguerra talked to former Supreme Court Associate Justice Francis Jardeleza. He was the Solicitor General when the Philippines brought China before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2013. They are joined by security analyst Renato de Castro, a professor of International Studies at De La Salle University. He also served as a consultant to the National Security Adviser during the administration of the late Benigno Aquino III.

Boxing superstar Manny Pacquiao is set to fight a bigger, younger, and undefeated American welterweight next month in what could be his final bout in case he runs and wins for president in the 2022 elections. But here at home, the senator has been getting quite a beating as well in the political arena where he’s clearly nowhere near his veteran smarts as a boxing legend. Worse, the punches are coming from the chairman of his own party— President Rodrigo Duterte. Duterte has been repeatedly attacking, insulting the neophyte politician since Pacquiao called attention to persistent corruption under the current administration.  But the underlying motive is not that difficult to see — both Pacquiao and Duterte’s daughter are eyeing the presidency.  Duterte himself is said to be open to run for vice president. Thus, we now see huge cracks within the ruling PDP-Laban party — which isn’t suprising, by the way.  In Philippine Politics, ruling coalitions are formed and disbanded depending on the incumbent and who’s seen as the most formidable politician likely to replace him.  For now, it's anybody but Pacquiao.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Political Analyst Ramon Casiple, Lutgardo Barbo, PDP-Laban Vice President For  Visayas, and Martin Diño, PDP-Laban Deputy Secretary-General For Luzon.

In May next year, we will go out and vote for our next president. The importance of this election cannot be overemphasized.  We’re all reeling from the pandemic which has exposed both the weaknesses of our health care system and the incompetence of our leaders.  So if we all want change, we have to start with the ballot. But how much do voters really know about the candidates to make an informed decision on election day? How many of them are deeply familiar with issues that matter? How do they know if those ambitious politicians can actually deliver? Or are they only a product of some well-funded and well-executed PR campaign? In the meantime, pre-election surveys are supposed to provide a snapshot of voter preference at a particular time. but do they accurately reflect the opinion of voters? Can they be manipulated? In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with Prof. Imelda Deinla, Convenor of BOSES Pilipinas and Prof. Antonio Contreras, Chief Political Analyst of DigiVoice to try to better understand opinion polls and pre-election surveys. 

It began with the president attacking his own party-mate at his regular public address earlier this week, Duterte threw some wild punches at Senator Manny Pacquiao, who happens to be the acting president of his own PDP-Laban party.  The president was ticked off by something Pacquiao allegedly said—his government is “three times” more corrupt than previous administrations. We’re not sure if Pacquiao had indeed said such a thing. But the president was furious just the same — remember this was the same president who claimed he won’t tolerate even a “whiff of corruption.” But here was his own political ally suggesting he’s not getting things done.  So Duterte challenged Pacquiao to name names and identify corrupt agencies. If he couldn’t, Duterte said Pacquiao would be a liar and he would campaign against the boxer in 2022. Never mind the political maneuverings within the ruling party which explain why Duterte is now attacking Pacquiao and Pacquiao throwing some counter-punches as well. Duterte’s own daughter is being primed to succeed him and he himself, is open to running for vice president. problem is — Pacquiao also wants to be president. But that’s a topic for another discussion.  In this episode, let’s talk about corruption under Duterte.  During the campaign in 2016, he  promised to be relentless against corruption much like he predicted he would end the problem of illegal drugs in 3 to 6 months. we know what happened there. Now, less than a year before he steps down, has Duterte kept his promise or has corruption, in fact, only gotten worse under his administration?

They say that if you don’t like the way our country is being run today, go out, vote smart, and pick new leaders in 2022.  This is the right thing to do but not as easy — or cute — as it sounds.  Because before one can even cast his ballot, a lot of factors come into play and ultimately influence the outcome. It’s basically money — that, which provides politicians a strong grip on voter behavior regardless of whether he performs once in public office. worse, it allow political clans to occupy elective positions for across electoral cycles facing no real threat unless their power is weakened by equally moneyed or wealthier clans.  This explains why, despite efforts to improve our level of voter education, we’re still basically stuck with the same leaders: those who have the money, the machinery, and the popularity.  Once in a while, a new breed of reform-oriented leaders come but it’s just a matter of time before the system pushes them out or eats them altogether.  The problem, indeed, is systemic.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with Prof. Julio Teehankee, author of the study Clientelism and Party Politics in the Philippines, Ronald Mendoza, Dean of the  Ateneo School of Government, and Atty. Michael Yusingco, a fellow at the Institute for Autonomy and Governance to better explain to you the voters how money and patronage politics work in the Philippines and what we can all do to fix our fractured political and electoral system before all is too late. 

A new study by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism has revealed some interesting if not, alarming data about how we consume news here in the Philippines. Overall, more Filipinos trust their news - that’s 32 percent of the online respondents included in the Philippine version of the study done by journalist and educator Yvonne Chua.  But this overall trust in the news media was still below the global average of 44 percent.  Trust in ABS-CBN and Rappler also dropped by 4 percent each. Not surprising given the relentless attacks from President Duterte and well-funded troll armies and enablers on social media. Imagine: more respondents said they trust the government-run PTV and Radyo Pilipinas more than they trust ABS-CBN and Rappler.   Interestingly, overall trust in news on social media went down by two percentage points probably because of concerns over misinformation and disinformation. Newspapers are also losing more readers during the pandemic.  Print consumption dropped from 22 percent last year  to 16 percent this year — a reality made even worse by prolonged lockdowns.  This explains why at least a dozen community papers were forced to close down temporarily during the pandemic.  In this episode, we take a deeper look at how news organizations are coping during this health crisis — especially those that fell victim to the double whammy of the pandemic and Rodrigo Duterte.

Tributes have been pouring in since former President Benigno Aquino III died of a kidney disease on June 24.  He was remembered for many things: a leader who stabilized the Philippine economy, his campaign against corruption, his quest for lasting peace in Mindanao. But he’s also remembered for doing what was perhaps seen as unthinkable back in 2013 — he brought mighty China to court over rampant violations of philippine sovereign rights in its exclusive economic zone. The landmark decision came three years later shortly after his term ended in 2016. Wile his successor opted to set it aside, it became part of international law nd clarified maritime entitlements in these waters. In the words of his foreign secretary, it showed that “right is might.” it gave China a bloody nose, a blackeye even, if you will, at least in the legal sense.  In this episode, we’ll look back on President Aquino’s foreign policy, specifically how he sought to counter China’s growing influence and bully tactics in our own backyard showing that being small shouldn’t mean one should just fall.

He went by the name “PNoy” shortly after winning the presidency in 2010.  Skeptics could have easily dismissed the monicker as the product of some carefully crafted public image — apt and easy to sell, easy to remember.  But as his years in Malacañang would later show, it was an embodiment of the kind of leader he was or at least, aspired to be — one who didn’t tolerate abuses, one who aspired for something greater for the Filipino. For a time, his catchphrases — “kayo ang boss ko” and “walang  wang-wang” — resonated among the people. Interestingly, many of eulogies included caveats — “he might not have been perfect...”, “for all his faults…” But who actually expects leaders to be perfect, anyway? By what standards are we supposed to measure a president? In this episode, we’ll look back on the presidency of the late Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and the legacy he has left behind.

Not long ago, the Liberal Party was the ruling party, attracting politicians from different directions, during the presidency of Benigno Aquino III.  The “Yellow fever” was back  though not as popular as it was shortly after the 1986 EDSA Revolution. But as we know, alliances can be fickle shifting as conveniently as they are formed in our fractured political system here in the Philippines.  So when Aquino’s candidate lost in the 2010 presidential election, the Liberal Party lost many of its members as well to the new ruling the PDP-LABAN party of Rodrigo Duterte. It didn’t help that Duterte relentlessly attacked the Liberal Party criticizing its supposed hypocrisy and failures to deliver on its own promises during the Aquino regime.  After five years and with Duterte now under scrutiny for his own failures — and abuses — the liberal party is trying to pick up the pieces in preparation for next year’s elections.  The party is now in talks with at least four senators as part of efforts to form, what its party president described, as the “broadest unity possible.” But judging from its crushing defeat in the 2019 midterm elections, the Liberal Party still has a lot of work — hard work — to do to regain its level of relevance in Philippine politics.

Last week, we heard mixed signals from top government officials regarding face shields. According to Senate President Vicente Sotto III, President Duterte had agreed that face shields should be required only in hospitals — quite a relief for people forced to wear them even outdoors. Malacańang later confirmed that the president had indeed said this.  But Palace Spokesman Harry Roque also said we should await “further actions” from an Inter-Agency Task Force, which, as we know, takes its cue from the president before making any decision on how we should all deal with the COVID-19 pandemic.  So it was quite a surprise when Duterte announced last Monday — face shields were here to stay, whether you’re indoors or outdoors — for the time being.  He was apparently acting on the advice of certain health experts that it’s better to keep face shields on along with face masks because of the current delta variant. But for many, this confusion is not a “small inconvenience,” to borrow the president’s term.  It’s indicative of the level of confusion among policy makers. those who are supposed to be guiding us during this serious health crisis.  Many of us are understandably frustrated.  Imagine - we’ve been dealing with this pandemic for more than a year. we’ve implemented the world’s longest lockdown.  Yet, while other countries have relaxed their own thanks to an efficient vaccination program here in the Philippines, we’re still debating whether we should still wear face shields or not. Health Undersecretary and Treatment Czar Leopoldo Vega and Pediatric Infectious Disease Specialist Dr. Benjamin Co join Christian Esguerra in this episode.

Last week, a police anti-drug operation in Biñan city, Laguna took the life of 16-year-old boy Johndy Maglinte Helis and his companion. The two allegedly exchanged fire with police, a familiar case of “nanlaban,” similar to thousands of killings under President Duterte’s drug war.  But initial media reports were quite disturbing if true. Citing witness accounts, they claimed there was no shootout. instead, the boy was handcuffed, dragged in the mud, then shot dead. The incident brought back memories of Kian delos Santos, the 17-year-old boy murdered by police in Caloocan in 2017. Of course, let’s not get ahead of ourselves here.  Both the Philippine National Police and the Commission on Human Rights are now investigating the incident. But the latest incident could not have come at a worst time.  The International Criminal Court’s prosecutor is seeking authority to formally investigate the thousands of drug-related killings under Duterte.  While the Laguna incident won’t be covered, in case the ICC investigation indeed happens, it’s yet another indication that the killings have not slowed down. In this episode, Christian Esguerra sat down with CHR Spokesperson Atty. Jacqueline De Guia and PNP Spokesperson P/BGen Ronaldo Olay.

Four months from now, candidates will start filing their certificates to join next year’s elections.  This early, we’re seeing some interesting political posturing and realignment of forces. Of course, much of these developments will depend on who’ll be running for president. Or, to be more exact, who, politicians think would be likely to succeed President Rodrigo Duterte.  His daughter, by the way, is said to be gunning for the presidency — regardless of whether people actually care about political dynastiesreaching the very top of our fractured political and electoral system. In the meantime, opposition forces are also preparing under a unified ticket being formed by the new 1Sambayan coalition. But amid all this political noise—what actually are the issues that should define the upcoming election campaign? Christian Esguerra sits down with political analyst Ramon Casiple and potential candidate and human rights lawyer Chel Diokno to break down the issues that should define the 2022 election campaign.

The Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has requested authority to conduct a formal investigation into the thousands of killings under President Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war.  Malacañang predictably downplayed, if not dismissed, this development asserting “sovereignty and independence from foreign interference.” But the process at the ICC is expected to proceed anyway regardless of whether Duterte and other officials instrumental to the conduct of his vicious drug war will cooperate or not.  Perhaps the question is — will a refusal to cooperate only work against Duterte’s interest? Besides, was it not also this administration that argued early during the drug war that if you’re a drug addict or drug trafficker what was there to be afraid of? Years later, the ICC Prosecutor found reasonable basis to believe that the crime against humanity of murder was committed in the Philippines since Duterte took office in 2016 and until March 16, 2019  when his administration unilaterally  withdrew the country from the ICC. So, the question is asked — if Duterte and his top lieutenants are not guilty of such crime what is there to be proud of? In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with Sec. Salvador Panelo, President Rodrigo Duterte's Chief Legal Counsel and Atty. Neri Colmenares, lawyer for families of victims of Duterte's drug war. They discussed how and why his administration reached this point at the ICC and whether victims of all the rampant killings under Duterte can finally get justice not from the local courts but from the one in The Hague.

They say that if you’re not happy with how this country is being run, then go out and vote in 2022.  Pick the candidate who’ll bring about the change you want, not the politician who’ll give you more of the same.  For instance, if you think the current government has been incompetent in handling the pandemic, then pick the competent ones on the ballot.  If you’re passionate about human rights, then go for candidates who truly respect human lives. make no room for human rights violators and those who condone senseless killings. The choices may be easy — but not really because as they say, politics is perception.  Somewhere in between voters and candidates is a vast space where political strategists and media operators work their magic during election campaigns.  It doesn’t matter if a candidate sucks— what’s important is he and his handlers can convince people to vote for him, mainly through well-funded self-marketing and media packaging. This is where disinformation thrives — as we saw in 2016 and again during the midterm elections in 2019 candidates investing huge money on social media campaigns.  This is where much of the battle is waged the digital space where troll farms, for instance, flourish regardless of one’s side in the political arena. In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to campaign strategist Alan German and disinformation researcher Prof. Jonathan Ong about how big and more vicious the problem with disinformation has become and what we all need to do to make sure these agents of disinformation won’t control the campaign narrative and influence our decisions come election day.

Over the weekend, the 1Sambayan coalition announced its nominees for the opposition’s presidential candidate in next year’s election.  But except for former Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, who clearly welcomed the nomination, the rest expressed reluctance if not outright lack of interest.  Is 1Sambayan off to a shaky start? Because how can you unify the opposition when you can’t even get people to consider running for president at least under your banner? Not only that. This early, the warning signs are clear — if 1Sambayan members hope to successfully counter Duterte’s populist narrative they have to descend from their moral high horse and try to relate better with the people.   How to do that is perhaps the biggest challenge confronting the opposition in 2022 — an election they cannot afford to lose especially by default. For the opposition, the issues are clear — the next president should put a stop to all the senseless killings under Duterte’s drug war and put the economy back on track the gut issues.  Last Monday, the outgoing prosecutor of the International Criminal Court announced she was seeking a formal investigation into the thousands of killings under Duterte.  It’s a welcome development, a much-awaited one for those looking to hold Duterte accountable once and for all. Because in a civilized world, one cannot just order cops to kill people even drug users without due process — and get away with it. This should clearly be a campaign issue. But whether this will be a significant factor when Filipinos pick their next president remains to be seen. Thus, yet another challenge for anti-Duterte forces.  This episode discusses what it will take for the opposition to finally come together and rally behind a single presidential candidate in next year’s elections. Christian Esguerra talks to 1Sambayan Convenor Bro. Armin Luistro and Political Analyst Edna Co.

Kieth Absalon was biking with relatives in the morning of June 6 when an explosive device suddenly went off along the trail in Masbate City. The 21-year-old Kieth, a promising football player who played with the Far Eastern University in Manila, was killed along with his uncle Nolven, a union leader. His 16-year-old cousin was also wounded in the attack. The culprit — the New People’S Army, which blamed the incident on “errors in military action” by its unit in the area.  The NPA, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines, sought forgiveness and promised to “extend any appropriate form of indemnification.” People understandably want justice. But how to get it under the circumstances may not be easy. Left-wing organizations “condemned” the attack but insisted the NPA need not surrender the culprits to authorities. There’s a separate mechanism for that under the Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law or CAHRIHL.  But how do you activate the joint monitoring committee when formal peace negotiations have been terminated? Progressive groups are also under fire for allegedly being “selective” in condemning the NPA’s atrocities.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with NTF-ELCAC Spokesman and Department of Interior and Local Government Undersecretary Jonathan Malaya and Former Bayan Muna Representative Teddy Casiño.

It was hailed as a victory for the planet  - a Dutch court ordering oil giant Royal Dutch Shell to cut carbon emissions by net 45 percent by 2030 based on 2019 levels. Climate activists hope this would now set a precedent to hold other big oil companies — the so-called big polluters or carbon majors — accountable for seriously damaging the environment.  Here in the Philippines, the Commission on Human Rights initiated a landmark inquiry three years ago into how these multinational companies were allegedly violating human rights by contributing heavily to carbon emissions. The Philippines, of course, served as an unfortunate illustration of the devastating impact of climate change.  Remember “Yolanda”, a category 5 typhoon that killed more than 6,000 people displaced 4.1 million others across 44 provinces. the estimated cost of damage — 5.8 billion dollars.  To be fair, oil companies have been rolling out programs toward clean energy. But given the scale of the problem, much of these initiatives may still be considered inadequate if not tokenism.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Greenpeace Southeast Asia's Yeb Saño and Manila Observatory's Atty. Tony La Viña to go back to the Dutch court’s ruling and how exactly it could benefit the struggle for climate justice in the Philippines and elsewhere in the world.

Early during the pandemic, President Rodrigo Duterte banned Filipino health care workers from leaving for work abroad. The reason was seen as logical as it was patriotic — why deploy nurses, for instance, abroad when the Philippines we are also battling a raging pandemic? But the issue, it turned out, was much more complicated. yes, our health care system needed all the help it could. But how exactly did the initial deployment ban help our local pandemic response? It did it only provide unnecessary restrictions on our health care workers who wanted to leave because of limited opportunities here? In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Filipino Nurse United President Maristela Abenojar and Philippine Overseas Employment Administrator Bernard Olalia to look into the plight of Filipino nurses and how the changing government policy on deployment has been affecting them  during the pandemic.

The Philippine Congress has yet to decide whether to extend the transition government in the new Bangsamoro Autonomous Region In Muslim Mindanao or BARMM. It’s such a sensitive issue because it would mean postponing the new region’s first-ever elections scheduled in may next year.  The Moro Islamic Liberation Front — which heads the Bangsamoro Transition Authority or BTA wants to move the elections to 2025 to give it more time to finish the work as promised or committed in its peace agreement with the government. Others say elections should proceed precisely to give the MILF a fresh mandate from the people and not just enjoy the benefits of presidential appointment. Last year, Interim Chief Minister Murad Ebrahim himself acknowledged the possibility of election defeat saying the group didn’t have much to show yet given the limited transition period. This is just one problem, though. In this episode, Christian Esguerra looks deep into the complicated challenges confronting the new Bangsamoro region particularly the plight of Non-Moro Indigenous Peoples. Where do they fit in this political entity? Are they victims of false promises made during the peace talks? Remember that a number of them have been harassed and killed over issues of ancestral domain and land-grabbing. Timuay Justice and Governance Supreme Tribal Chief Leticio Datuwata and BARMM Interior and Local Government Minister Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo join the discussion.

Because of the raging pandemic, perhaps you would think: those positioning for the 2022 elections might slow down a bit and perhaps try to play more by the rules.  Well, it’s apparently not the case for the upcoming elections. You still have prospective candidates campaigning early through posters and paid broadcast ads. Of course, they can always argue — what’s wrong with that? This is a free country! But you and I know that they’re obviously campaigning introducing themselves to voters at the very least — all because they can and they have the money. This issue, though, is minimal compared to other much more serious problems that will confront all of us during the campaign. Remember the troll farms that made a killing in the 2016 elections? Experts say they only got bigger their operations more seamless sophisticated and vicious.  Industry insiders say a social media strategy — including troll farms — is now a staple in any election campaign.  So even if candidates don’t want, in good conscience, to hire their services they may have no other choice. In 2019, the Commission on Elections tried to monitor campaign expenses online for good reason. But what exactly did it achieve and what lessons can be learned from that moving forward? In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to COMELEC's James Jimenez and Election Lawyer George Garcia about the upcoming campaign under conditions made even more complicated by the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s daughter running for president. Her vice president, a former defense secretary identified with former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. This Sara Duterte-Gilbert Teodoro tandem, of course, was teaser by another former Arroyo administration official, former Budget Secretary and Congressman Rolando Andaya. So, what should we make out of this separate push to “convince” President Duterte himself to run for vice president?  Well, there’s no tandem voting in the Philippines so if he, indeed, decides to run in 2022 and wins we might end up ultimately, with a Duterte-Duterte leadership in Malacañang. But while Sara Duterte’S possible presidential run may be welcome to her supporters, it also raises eyebrows --we know that political dynasties abound in the country — but who would have thought that one family, who has established its own dynasty in Davao City, would expand it to the very top of Philippine politics? In this episode Christian Esguerra sits down with former lawmakers Antonio Trillanes IV and Rolando Andaya Jr.

There’s an interesting piece of legislation that came out of the House of Representatives recently. Despite their very busy schedules, congressmen still found time to promote press freedom which, we probably all agree, is important in a democracy. So our good congressmen saw it fit to pass a bill declaring August 30 of each year as National Press Freedom Day. It was a unanimous vote on third and final reading - but wait.  Just last year, July 10, 2020 to be exact a committee from this same chamber voted to “kill” the application for a new broadcast franchise by ABS-CBN, the largest media network here in the Philippines. That vote took ABS-CBN out of free TV and radio sending thousands of employees out of jobs especially in the middle of the pandemic.   But more worrisome was chilling effect on journalists -- if the president could shut down ABS-CBN, imagine what this administration can do to others unless they toed the line. Remember that despite congressmen’s insistence that they voted based on evidence and their conscience, president duterte himself had repeatedly vowed to shut down ABS-CBN. And this exactly what happened. The network, to this day, has been trying to get by with whatever news platform still available to it.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with NUJP's Jonathan de Santos and Rep. Alfredo Garbin who abstained from the ABS-CBN vote. They talk about the state of press freedom here in the Philippines, and what difference this so-called “National Press Freedom Day” bill can actually make under the current political environment. 

At 76 years old and not exactly in the pink of health, President Rodrigo Duterte is being urged by his own political party to run for vice president next year.  As we speak, there are signature campaigns across villages “urging” Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte to run. A Duterte-Duterte tandem, of course, won’t be a surprise anymore. we saw it in Davao City, which the family has firmly controlled for over 20 years. But to expand this political dynasty to the very top of Philippine politics is something else.  In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Atty. Howard Calleja and Albay Representative Joey Salceda to  discuss this emerging daughter-and-father ticket for the 2022 elections, and how it will reflect of our electoral system  and democracy. 

Judge Raul Pangalangan has just completed his term at the International Criminal Court, an important body established as a court of last resort when states are unable or unwilling to genuinely prosecute individuals for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. But nearly 20 years since it was created under the Rome Statute, the ICC has had its share of successes as well as failures often criticized for allegedly being ineffective, inefficient, or even biased. much of these, of course, are largely because of the complex nature of cases brought before it and the lack of cooperation of member states. The Philippines, for instance, officially withdrew from the ICC in 2019 apparently in response to a preliminary inquiry into alleged crimes against humanity committed in President Duterte’s brutal drug war.  In this episode, we try to better understand the ICC by going deep into its nature and processes for justice and accountability.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Dean Soledad Mawis and Fr. Ranhilio Aquino on psychological incapacity as a legal concept and its implications on cases seeking the declaration of the nullity of marriage. They also tackled the push to legalize divorce in the Philippines.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Metro Manila Mayors Isko Moreno and Toby Tiangco on the pressures and challenges of dealing with the pandemic at the frontlines of the government response. 

After five years, and close to the tail-end of the Duterte administration, the Philippine National Police finally agreed to open its case files on policemen involved in anti-drug operations  where suspects were killed for allegedly resisting arrest — the so-called “nanlaban” cases. But only the Department of Justice will be given access to these records which cover only 61 cases out of thousands of killings recorded since President Duterte launched his bloody crackdown on illegal drugs in 2016. The question is - why only now and why only 61 cases? In this episode, Christian Esguerra sits down with Justice Undersecretary Adrian Sugay, Human Rights Commissioner Karen Dumpit, and Human Rights Watch's Carlos Conde.

Internet speed, not to mention, cost, has always been seen as a weakness in the Philippines, a problem made even more pronounced as more people had to shift online - for school, work, and many other vital functions during the pandemic. Recently, the government’s plan to roll out free public Wi-Fi access came under scrutiny because of an alleged overpriced contract cornered by some companies. In this episode, Christian Esguerra together with Eliseo Rio Jr., former Officer-in-Charge of the ICT Department and Winthrop Yu of the Internet Society of the Philippines dig deep into the issue and discuss why the Philippines is lagging behind its ASEAN neighbors in terms of internet speed even if internet access in the country is among the least affordable in the world.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Jaime Montoya Executive Director of the Philippine Council for Health Research and Development and Dr. Gene Nisperos, Board Member of the Community Medicine Development Foundation on why some Filipinos are reluctant to get vaccinated and the importance of clinical trials for 'mix-and-match' vaccines.

In this episode President Duterte's Chief Legal Counsel Salvador Panelo sought to justify Duterte’s questionable statements on the West Philippine sea, claiming there were no inconsistencies. Maritime law expert Jay Batongbacal warned China could use these remarks against the Philippines later on.

In this episode, Christian Esguerra talks to Usec. Severo Catura of the NTF-ELCAC and Bayan Muna Party-List Rep. Carlos Zarate on the government's crackdown on communism. For Catura, concerns raised over Maginhawa Community Pantry's Patricia Non raising a clenched fist in some photos provide a good opportunity for dialogue. For Zarate, government cannot simply red-tag any individual as it is not just simple labeling, it is very dangerous.

After the fact, we get to see things more clearly. After the fact, we know who's telling the truth.  This is the #ANCPodcast edition of #ANCAfterTheFact